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A Royal Haagse Klok by Severijn Oosterwijck. Author: Keith Piggott.

A Royal 'HAAGSE KLOK'
by: Keith Piggott.

Keith Piggott.

PERSPECTIVES & HYPOTHESES.    Back to Main Document


Table of contents:
 
Coster’s Other Contracts?
 Makers of Coster Striking Clocks?
Fromanteel Connections?
‘Secreet’ Constructions?
     Unknown Originator                
     German Antecedents                
     Application to Pendulum                
     Foreknowledge of Burgi            
     The Secret Outed?                
     Derivatives                
     Whose Secret?

Personal Associations?
A Seconds’ Hiatus?
     Treffler's copy
     Later seconds'Clocks
     Oosterwijck's Options

Valuation?
Claims to Priority.

In this intentionally didactic paper, with many unpublished new images, I allow several perspectives, pertinent digressions, even some conclusions to emerge. However, readers can now form a judgement on the importance of Severijn Oosterwijck’s rediscovered Royal clock in its historic context.

As first antiquarian reviewer, of this privately owned clock not available to general view, any opinion herein has to be responsible and balanced to best serve those who are unable to inspect the evidence for themselves.

Nevertheless I consider my exploration of historical contexts, also the circumstantial evidence, also my consideration of new hypotheses, to be fully justified by the new evidence found in Oosterwijck's Royal Hague clock. However, none of the following 'perspectives' is intended to be dogmatic, but to shine light into obscure historical corners where even primary sources, Contracts, Patents and Court Papers, have long been misread, misrepresented, and misunderstood.

 If space had permitted, I should have submitted Simon Douw's remarkable also revealing Patent Applications - accounting for Huygens' displeasure and paranoia, also his libels that still falsely colour modern opinion, (see Huygens' Legacy, p.87). I should also have wished to review the 1658 litigation, (Huygens, Coster v. Douw), which, by omission, reveals something of covert migrations of this most arcane of crafts; and by omission infers Oosterwijck's closer involvement with Coster and Huygens. Unfortunately, Hague Archivists still are unable to rediscover the 1658 Court papers ('proces-verbaal met daading'), which Willem Hana and myself repeatedly sought, seeing Drummond Robertson had reported their remarkable contents, back in 1931, (Op.Cit., pp.124-126). Mislaid primary sources do not help! [War intervened, was this archive rifled?]

Oosterwijck’s Royal 'Haagseklok' with hour strike is a superior example of an early Hague clock, having an unique continuous provenance by gift from a new King. But I had not expected to be led into uncharted and troubled historical waters, yet even if I do not always take a rhumb-line in my perspectives, I hope to have steered a sound course. Hereon I consider eight important areas of present uncertainty in our tenuous pendulum history.

1. Coster’s Other Contracts?
Seeing that Oosterwijck evidently had had access to Coster’s workshop, known by telling similarities in construction, dimensions, trains and wheel-counts; and seeing the famous notarized Contract between Salomon Coster and John Fromanteel on September 3rd, 1657, I ask; would not Coster have demanded a similar Contract with Oosterwijck; also with his own appointees Hanet, Pascal, and former apprentice Pieter Visbagh? If not, then why not? And if yes, then where are all those so called employment Contracts?

Further, was it intelligence, or invitation, that brought those foreign clockmakers so rapidly to Coster’s service from London and Paris?  Was Coster incapacitated? Could he not recruit Dutch clockmakers?
Or had Huygens himself a hand in steering his contacts to Coster?

Further, the fact that neither Huygens nor Coster ever cited Oosterwijck as a plagiarist, nor litigated against him, is the best evidence of a fraternal craft relationship and the probable sharing of any "secreet" new construction on offer in September 1657 and shared on Mayday 1658.

What do we actually know of the wider historical context of this most secretive of crafts' international affiliations with Coster's workshop? Huygens promotion of the workshop is well documented, Dr.Plomp has enumerated the many exports to Paris by his efforts. But, as always, the craftsmen themselves have no voice to us.

2. Coster's Clockmakers?
Today’s foremost authorities, Reinier Plomp and Berry Van Lieshout, agree that John Fromanteel made the five extant ‘Coster’ timepieces having square pillars; D1, D2, D3, D4, and D5 (which even has square pillars to its dial feet and separate alarm). By this one attribute, all those Coster clocks are said to be post-Contract. Whereas Huygens' original 1657 Patent drawing shows round pillars; evidence of Coster's first pendulum oeuvre - from June to September 1657?

Privately, on the evidence of pillar shape and other parts, Berry suggests that Pieter Visbagh or Claude Pascal actually made the two extant 'Coster’ striking-clocks, D8 and D10 which again have round pillars - but quite different profiles. Might that infer, after Mayday 1658, John had left the workshop - and two others were set to work to produce clocks on Oosterwijck's Royal model, just twenty months before Coster died in December 1659?

Did Salomon Coster actually ‘make’ any of 'his' extant pendulums, or had he relegated himself to overseer? And who made his alarum-timepiece, D5, with its phase-one chapter ring (with minutes scored through), but having an English double-cock, also first back-plate ratchet work, and what I named 'Reijnaert' stopwork?

Huygens disclaimer in Horologium also means earlier 'Coster' striking clocks cannot be ruled out, even without the split-barrel, much as Fromanteel and Bartram made using twin-barrels.  Why, too, should all pre-Contract spring clocks necessarily be timepieces, even then regarded as the poor man's relation to strikers? No evidence has ever been adduced.

Now a new candidate has emerged as the maker of Coster original striking clock, namely Severijn Oosterwijck. Here is a man, clearly gifted, already having a King’s patronage, in whom Huygens would soon show every confidence in 1662, by appointing him to make his Longitude-clocks, adding his new weight remontoirs in 1664. [Thuret later improved on Huygens' remontoir chains - for no thanks]

Consider Oosterwijck’s Royal clock; its watch stop-work, being concealed by ratchet-work, is both unique and most inventive; ditto his thread-holes in pre-cycloid cheeks; ditto his pendulum retainer pinholes in open-jawed crutch instead of usual loop? Are these single departures from Coster designs? Or are they his own experiments? Was his hidden stop-work and new split-going-barrel had by influence, or stealth? I suggest only the first fits the evidence!

Hague striking-clocks introduced new features, but similarities in movements can provide compelling evidence. As I have said, we may assume that early trains and even wheel counts were still evolving, (see Appendix One, Three, and open-research matrix). Coster’s escape wheels in D1, D2, D3, and D5 are all 5/27; but D8 has 5/29; whereas Oosterwijck’s is 5/27. Coster’s contrate wheels in D1, D2, D3, D5 are 5/64; D8 has 5/60; whilst Oosterwijck’s is now also 5/60. Such close similarities are not random, they suggest Oosterwijck's part in the train evolution. All the first going wheels have 72 teeth. However, centre pinions/wheels appear to evolve from 8/70 to 8/65, to 6/70 to 6/65.  Strike wheels show less conformity yet have similarities, originally all had 5 leaf fly-pinions. Both of Coster's strikers 'D8' and 'D10' have new standard 12 pins to warning wheel and 12 leaf pinions to the count wheel, whereas Oosterwijck's evidently unique adoption of 10's most probably infers that his clock is lower in the evolutionary chain (earlier). But wheel counts alone can mislead, yet other evidence too is inextricably locked into all man-made constructions. Therefore, open-research.

These early pendulum clocks mark the first, Dutch, appearance of the spring 'going-barrel' also the 'split-going-barrel'. All of the cited comparable strikers postdate Mayday of 1658;  all have a new and identical layout of trains; motion work; strike-levers; strike-gates; drop-hammers, position of bells; two have this cast lozenge-section fly, a third has its derivative. Details may differ, but the form is common. Even Oosterwijck’s non-conforming upper strap-potence might be his own ‘prototype’, he later revised to adopt Coster’s Dutch form. [I do deplore use of prototype, we cannot expect ever to see workshop models].

Research is wanted before my new hypothesis --"Oosterwijck’s  pendulum clock with striking set the pattern for Coster"-- can be proven. Yet, clinching evidence may well lie under our noses; in the two accepted ‘Coster’ striking clocks (D8, D10), even the timepiece alarum (D5). Do these share detailed finishes with Oosterwijck’s, or with subsequent versions by Visbagh, Hanet and Pascal?

What of Coster's timepiece alarum 'D5'? It is a curious beast, now revealing the 'English' feature of a double-foot back cock; yet other constructions back its Coster pedigree. It too has square movement pillars, also square dial-feet and square pillars to an original separate alarm fixed to the case. (Coster D8's integral alarm work, now removed, is by a different hand). I infer that originally, D5 had the first known 'Reijnaert' stopwork, having an integral pinion of report cut through its barrel arbor, to gain a larger stop for more turns. So was arbor-pinion fatigue, with distortion or breakage, the ultimate result? It seems now to have a replaced barrel-arbor since its winding square is untypically tapered, and the arbor lacks a pin or pinion for its original stop work, which although missing has left behind the telling evidence of its screw mounting on the barrel cap.

Coster's stop-wheel was not refitted, so it is likely that the extant arbor was made in France, where stopwork is typically ignored and even removed. (If there had been no evidence of a stop-wheel I should suspect, either, the clock was made in France, or, it had been made by Coster himself before the 'secret' of stopwork and split-barrel dropped in his lap. Considering the extant construction, I suggest that D5's former 'Reijnaert' stopwork could not antedate Oosterwijck's stopwork. Therefore, 'D5,' too, must also be later.

Furthermore, Coster 'D5' ratchet-work is also removed from the front plate (or barrel) onto the back plate, sharing with our Ahasuerus Fromanteel's 1658 timepiece the first honours recorded. Like Fromanteel, but unlike Reijnaert, it has one click, with a circumferential brass spring. Both are fixed by screws. Whereas, early springs and clicks are pegged, or posted, in-situ. All these facts formed my singular hypothesis that Oosterwijck's Royal Hague-clock, most probably, ante-dates Coster's timepiece alarum, presently given 'D5' in Dr Plomp's new Dutch chronology.

Oosterwijck's first signed timepiece alarum, (Appendix Three, 'Lieberge' clock), has its alarum bell fixed inside, on the dial plate, like the subject clock. The bell on Coster's only alarum D5, is set above its case, which soon became the standard for Hague clocks. In this instance, D5 may well betray a French hand in its making- perhaps Hanet, (see Huygens Legacy nr.16 by Hanet).

What is generally accepted, now, is Coster, then, was more overseer than maker. I have put Oosterwijck's name into the frame as first striking clock model, and advanced his chronology before Coster's signed striking clocks and timepiece alarum (D5, D8, D10).

3. Fromanteel Connections
If accepted wisdom is correct, then all the early pendulum-technology flowed from Coster to John Fromanteel. But here it is evident that the Fromanteels brought much more into Coster’s work place, where Oosterwijck had access; probably also to the negotiating table, being hammered out in Notary Putter’s office even before the extant draft form of Contract was ever signed. The received wisdom, therefore, is suspect.

Evidence of Oosterwijck’s connection with John Fromanteel, at least, and I do not discount an earlier connection with London, may also be seen in his wheels, trains, escapement, layout of centre wheel, pillars, etc. His verge goes direct to the plate; his unique strap-potence is set beside the escape wheel - like Fromanteel’s, unlike Dutch potence-blocks set above their inaccessible escapements.

If such a craft lineage is proven, it may confound those adherents to Huygens’ singular priority, who deny Ahasuerus Fromanteel’s contribution to applying the pendulum to clockwork earlier by older craft methodology, rather than Huygens’ new astronomer’s way.

Admittedly, the great plethora of extant early Hague clocks weighs heavily in favour of a Huygens-Coster priority. But is that imbalance conclusive? Dutch clocks remained stuck at 1657 for decades; later English makers in Holland even had first to adopt the local norms of split-barrels and cheeks. The Dutch were long overtaken by English and even French advances; therefore their obsolescent, not quite obsolete, clocks survived. Whereas, Fromanteel moved quickly on, testing new drives, new pivots, inventing maintaining power, also new escapements; quickly discarding the obsolescent. Might not Ahasuerus have seen the split-going-barrel merely as a Chimera, having no place in good timekeeping- his singular goal? So might he have discarded it, then astutely traded it off to advance his son?

4. ‘Secreet’ Constructions?
Berry van Lieshout was first to spot significant errors in all earlier transcripts of the famous Contract; the secret’s new line of investigation was his initiative. I then posed our questions. Had Fromanteel brought something to the negotiating table that had justified a Draconian financial penalty-clause which Coster had freely accepted? But why would the holder of Europe’s then hottest Patent accept a penalty at all?  Would he not charge a premium.  

Now I ask, why did Oosterwijck go to such length to hide his stop-work when ‘Coster’ and his acolytes all set their ratchet and stop, visibly, at opposite ends of their split barrels or plates? It is most curious and perhaps very significant. Did he act for Coster, for Huygens, for the Fromanteels, or for himself?  

Unknown Originator.  Where, when, or who ‘invented’ the classic 'going-barrel', also its derivative the ‘split-going-barrel’, is not known. But the basic 'split-barrel' is far older than Coster’s striking clock, older even than any pendulum, and not Dutch at all.

A. Fromanteel 1649.

Fig. 34 (click to enlarge)
Twin reliefs in a lower pillar of Fromanteel's
solar-musical clock
1649 (relic)

German Antecedents.
L
ike Klaus Maurice, who is unequivocal, Berry Van Lieshout and I realised, the split-barrel itself has a much longer history than Coster's first striking clock 'D8', also Dr.Plomp's attribution to Coster, (see Maurice, K, “Die deutsche Raderuhr”, Verlag C.H.Beck, Munchen 1976).

Maurice shows the ‘Split-Barrel’ first appeared in the late sixteenth century, with German based makers, to drive both their Quarter and Hour strike-trains; (‘beide Raederwerke werden von einem Federhaus angetrieben’).

The first known example that Maurice has found is in Jost Burgi’s 'Globes', c.1582. Burgi has previously entered into my study of Fromanteel’s 1649 Masterpiece, when, like Hans von Bertele's recognition of a Radeloff cross-beat, I too recognised the vestigial signs of a Fromanteel spring-remontoir (only known from Huygens-Moray letters), and also a Fromanteel radial cross-beat (then unknown in any early English clock). So I am surprised and delighted to see my old familiar, now enters pendulum history he was so tantalizingly close to in life.

Burgi’s new split-striking-barrel next appears in quarter-striking clocks; by Georg Wildt, Frankfurt 1589; Hans Koch of Munchen 1591; Isaac Habrecht of Strasburg 1594; and Andreas Stahel of Augsburg 1600; then Johann Sayller (Zuyller) of Ulm 1630; (Maurice,K., Op.Cit. Band I, pp.100,135,149; Band II, Afbn.114-116,118-119,129, 239, 254, 506).

Although many German Guilds and makers used the split-barrel in their multiple striking trains, no member of any City Guild would, or could, omit the fusee -which long continued to reign supreme in their highly ordered, regulated, craft regime. Naturally, technology flows. visitors to Burgi saw amazing things, some reports have been misinterpreted, perplexed horologists G.A.Baillie and H.A.Lloyd, but nevertheless flowed to England's premier clockmaker.

Fromanteel’s solar-musical clock of 1649 has twin reliefs in a lower pillar; one possible inference being that these were cut out for a subsidiary split-barrel for "innumerable motions". [see John Evelyn, Diary, August 9th 1661, "I din'd at Mr.Palmer's in Gray's Inn, whose curiosity excell'd in clocks and pendules, especialy one that had innumerable motions,... It was wound up but once in a quarter." Mr Dudley Palmer's unattributed clock was only identified by William Leybourne* in 1694; as being Fromanteel's 1649 Solar and Musical clock; by which the extant relic also was identified, (*Leybourne, W., "Pleasure with Profit", Mechanical, XXXVII, London, 1694)].

Application to Galilei's Pendulum
The crucial, here relevant, innovation of a spring-barrel directly driving the principal going-train, too, rests with a later unknown originator. As for stop-work, he was far removed both in time and distance from its origins. But the sine qua non for its use, also as single-going-barrel, had to be a reliable way of controlling the time standard, independently of variable driving force. Did that originator regard Galilei’s new pendulum, alone, as that panacea?

Or did Huygens’ new cheeks convince the unknown originator that the pendulum’s well known defects had been finally bridged?

Which assumption, Galilei or Huygens, determines when a spring-barrel was incorporated directly in a going-train. It is not unlikely that earlier attempts were made, even Fromanteel applied his pivoted-pendulum directly to going barrels; a worst case scenario, that he soon recognised to then evolve new solutions.

Might stop-work, visible or hidden, be part of the same intellectual property as the split-going-barrel? Dr.Plomp attributes invention of the ‘tandem-barrel’  to Coster. Yet here we see the split-barrel in Oosterwijck’s surely earlier clock; antedating Coster ‘D8’, at least! Dr Plomp identified Coster's early clocks as the models that the French adopted for ‘pendules religieuse‘. France also adopted the going and split-barrels, but few incorporated stop work, then rarely. If that were indeed Coster’s secret, would he not have licensed it? Why did France ignore stop-work?

Remarkably, this seemingly mundane mechanism, already having stop-work, has for too long been overlooked, despite it being an intellectual property first observed in the earliest Dutch going trains of pendulum spring-clocks; and also found in contemporary English and French movements. I suggest that Oosterwijck’s Royal clock represents and embodies the ‘secreet’, being antiquarian horology's Holy Grail for Hague clocks.

Here I propose, that that secret is now revealed; a craft secret; originating in Germany with Jost Burgi in 1582; secretly adapted for use with a pendulum before 1657; and antedating ‘Horologium’ by a year at least;  a secret finally put on the negotiating table in 1657; between Coster and a young son of Ahasuerus Fromanteel; probably with Ahasuerus and Severijn having supporting roles, perhaps as eminences grise?

Foreknowledge of Burgi. Rarely do independent inventions mirror each other; even to achieve the same end, technical solutions are likely to be different. During the 1939-1945 war, Germany went with new, axial-flow, turbo-jet engines, but Britain adopted Whittle's older centrifugal-flow jets. But that inventive independence is absent whenever Burgi’s inventions reappear in new guises. The sudden appearances in Holland of stop-work, also going and split-barrels are merely new clothes, not inventions, simply Burgi's old devices being reworked and adapted to new tasks in quickly made Hague clocks. No less vital for that.

Therefore, I ask, who best discloses foreknowledge of the great innovator, Jost Burgi? If that craft knowledge came to Holland by his work master Benjamin Bramer then we might reasonably expect our Dutch principals would be the first to benefit. But, apart from Simon Douw, it seems not.

In their bitter and unfounded litigation against Douw in 1658, alleging patent infringements but in fact to stop him selling clocks in the Hague, neither Coster nor Huygens, nor even their experts, recognised nor admitted to familiarity with Douw's single-beam (cross-beat?) with a spring-remontoir, that owe much to Burgi. Douw’s Patent withstood the Court’s challenges and tests, he was awarded a license to sell in the Hague, also to receive an equal share of all Huygens and Coster pendulum profits! Huygens became embittered; perhaps because Douw’s Patent Applications tellingly point to real defects in his clock.

Huygens had also overlooked the obvious potential maritime Longitude applications of Douw’s Patent, of Burgi systems: Douw had very wisely kept counsel about any intended maritime application - for his home port of Rotterdam. [He died on September 9th, 1663, before putting his method to resolving longitude]. But Huygens should have saved himself years wasted on his intrinsically flawed concepts of a pendulum sea-clock also his weight-remontoir that predictably failed, as Robert Hooke always understood. Huygens drawings show a weight drive, also incomprehensible in a sea clock. whereas Bruce's Oosterwijck sea clocks sensibly incorporated a fusee, but still having pendulum control.

Even in 1664, Huygens still defends his own weight-remontoir by deflecting Sir Robert Moray's blunt challenge with an admission of Fromanteel's priority for a spring-remontoir, but with not a mention of Jost Burgi who had invented the forerunners of both.

So, I suggest, if adaptations of Burgi’s split-going-barrel with stop-work is the Contractual ‘secreet’, then that secret is unlikely to be Huygens’ or Coster’s. To whom must we look?

Whereas, Ahasuerus Fromanteel’s 1649 Solar-Musical clock, clearly, is indebted to Jost Burgi; in its spring-remontoir; in its radial cross-beat; and possibly a subsidiary split-barrel. So I suggest it is far more probable that Ahasuerus adapted the split-barrel and stop-work to drive going-trains, and then inveigled son John into Coster’s employ in 1657. Did John have orders to first disclose the ‘Stop’, to tempt Coster to capitulate to get the ‘Split-Barrel’? Or is accepted wisdom right? Did Coster simply give these valuable ‘inventions’ away, and simultaneously pledge himself to a man of straw - one not yet a free clockmaker?

In my opinion, only the former would account for the Contract’s peculiar employment terms, with its Draconian financial sanctions. Why should Coster put his all wealth at stake, for a mere boy’s bench skills? Why have no other Coster employee Contracts with Notaris Putter come to light? But the promise of Fromanteel's eldest son disclosing a secret, that would benefit Coster and Huygens to export more reliable also cheaper to make striking clocks, could explain all.

The Secret Outed?
My 2005 paper challenges many presumptions. As to the ‘secreet’, in the Notarial Akte of 3rd September 1657, authorities have subscribed, variously, to; “remontoir; pendulum; escapement; theoretical calculation; endless rope; OP-gear”. None are convincing. All placed the secret’s gift in Coster’s hands, regardless of Huygens’ interest. But Berry van Lieshout’s new Millenneum transcript in 2000 led us first to re-investigate other devices, centred upon the stop-work and the split-barrel. Berry inclined to stop-work, I inclined to the split-barrel. However, without Berry's inspiration, and his long amassed evidence, also our penetrating dialogues, this perspective could not now be written.

It does seems that the secret has just become less elusive; perhaps simple stop-work, perhaps a complex split-going-barrel? Perhaps both? Here it was not my intention to solve that old Contractual ‘secreet’, but it does seem in this review of Oosterwijck’s clock the secret has quietly resolved itself.

Do I regard Ahasuerus Fromanteel, my True Patriarch of English Clockmaking, as the ‘originator’ who adapted Burgi’s split-barrel to drive the principal going train and who then traded it off as the ‘secreet’? I say, "Yes, but not yet proven”.

I also regard the split-going-barrel, with its adjunct stop-work, as being strongest candidate yet to resolve the Contract’s mystery.
I suggest that all horologists now re-examine the extant evidence, for signs of stop-work in pre-1657 spring-barrels and collate all pre-1657 split-going-barrels.

 


 

Coster partisans must now explain, or better, find and put their evidence on the table for an open scholarly debate.

Derivatives. 
O
osterwijck’s concealed watch-stop work is quite unique. Being hidden, beneath an outer barrel-cap, strike-wheel and ratchet might denote it as a ‘secreet’ construction, alluded to in the 1657 Contract. Fromanteel’s and Bartram’s seem to be related, which is the derivative? The late 1657 Coster-Fromanteel ‘D1’, zealously guarded by Museum Boerhaave, has far simpler and visible stop work. Did Severijn share the guarded secret? Would Coster (or Visbagh) partisans argue that this clock was sold to Oosterwijck, to then re-badge for a King? Unthinkable!One Swallow does not a summer make”, nevertheless, I have informed Berry van Lieshout also Dr Plomp of my discovery. The absence of any extant English split-barrels is puzzling, but may be explicable; as I now propose,  at (e) hereunder.

Whose Secret?
Impartial scholars know the available evidence is incapable of any absolute proofs, but the plethora of Dutch split-barrels and the dearth of English ones, in itself only circumstantial, is rather telling. Case closed? "Not quite".

Coster was an able clockmaker, so he could well, independently, have invented a split-going-barrel, as Plomp suggests. His renaissance apprenticeship may  have given him access to the German split-striking-barrel of Burgi, and he could have adapted it to drive his going train, now regulated by the great Galilei’s panacea pendulum corrected by Huygens' new cheeks. I do give Coster credit for his evident skills in this most secretive of crafts; but where does he demonstrate any knowledge of Jost Burgi’s inventions? I reiterate;

a From ‘Horologium’ (p.15) in 1658, we read, [Coster] was already using spring-going barrels, also with strike work (split-barrels), a demonstration of his confidence in Galileo’s panacea, or in Huygens' way; but Huygens seems more equivocal. But prior to the Contract, might Coster have first used a fusee for his pendulums? It was in his tradition, and in Huygens first concept over Christmas 1656. Did Treffler in fact copy fusee too? Might he have made pendulum striking clocks having independent drives? In technical and historic terms, there is no reason either might not be.
b By October 1658, Coster and Huygens were challenging Simon Douw’s spring-remontoir to a single-beam (cross-beat), he surely had derived from Burgi’s fertile Oeuvre. Neither cited Burgi’s priority for either device - and Douw wisely kept his counsel, but he challenged Huygens to calculate his (remontoir) train that defeated even Huygens' mathematician witness, Prof. Frans Van Schooten.
c Even in late 1664, answering Moray's challenge on priority, Huygens (Coster's patron and mentor) still omits even to acknowledge all remontoirs as Jost Burgi's - the original great innovator. 
d Whereas by 1649 Fromanteel evidently had access to Burgi craft secrets for his Chef d'Oeuvre, probably via Benjamin Bramer* (1588-1652) Burgi's Dutch brother-in-law (G. Schwager), who in 1648 had first published Burgi’s old triangulation instruments. (Mackensen, L.,“Die erste Sternwarte Euopas mit ihren Instrumenten und Uhren 400 Jahre Jost Burgi in Kassel”, Verlag Georg Calwey, 1979, p.8, p.34 Fig.24, p.59 Fig.14). [* later Fromanteels and Willem Bramer signed identical spring-balance travelling clocks- which I suggest reflects on their fathers’ earlier contacts]
e The absolute preponderance of the earliest Hague clocks over similar London clocks would seem to weigh heavily in favour of Huygens and/or Coster. But might not that be read, possibly, as Dutch technology being stuck at 1657/8 for many decades, with antiquated obsolete clocks surviving; whereas Fromanteel forever advances, testing and discarding; so might he have found or anticipated that the going-barrel (also its derivative split-barrel) was actually a Chimera, having no place in precision timekeeping, just a bargaining chip; a loss leader to new Dutch markets?
f If my reading of Oosterwijck’s Royal Hague clock is correct, then his split-barrel is before ‘Horologium’  (September 1658), and it even could be before Mayday 1658, thus, by inference, constructed even before the September 1657 Contract. That too again infers it is not Coster’s device; unless one envisages the ‘invention’ being leased to Severijn in his special clock for a King; also being given away to a foreign lad. But I cannot see Salomon Coster going so far; he perhaps hoping a King would come to him; and his young English lad being already paid his dues, and full board. Dutch merchants never overpaid, still not.
g Undoubtedly, for Salomon Coster’s busy workshop, exporting Huygens’ new pendulum clocks, any device to stop derangements by over-winding, and also to make reliable striking clocks more cheaply using the split-going-barrel, was a must-have acquisition. Coster's Oeuvre reveals his inheritance of technology; significantly, the split-going-barrel and stop-work do not appear in his pre-pendulum Oeuvre. We also have no evidence of the stop ever being used before Fromanteel's Contract; all modern authorities agree or infer that the split-barrel striking clock is not seen before the Contract's maturity on Mayday 1658, when a ‘secret’ had to be mutually disclosed between the parties; but even then a prototype must evidently have existed as a model. So who made that model?
j Might there have been a prior collusion between Severijn and one of the Contractual Parties, to include the ‘secreet’ herein, being prepared in advance, to be revealed only on Mayday 1658? The argument applies equally to both parties, but here I suggest my craft-evidence weighs in favour of the Fromanteels.
k Finally, I return to the proven venality of business, in any era. What had persuaded wealthy Coster, holding the only key to Huygens’ invention, then to pledge his "present also future wealth" simply to employ a foreign lad; and furthermore, to promise him the gift of an arcane craft device - whether his own or Huygens’? Usual Terms Fritz? Get a reality check.

Impartial readers will realise that this case is not closed. All fair-minded parties must, at least, engage in new studies of all the available evidence. To the many Coster partisans, I do recommend the Open Research project (see Appendix Three) which should unearth all the tangible facts for a new evidential base - then to objectively determine both their evolution and chronology.

5. Personal Associations
Huygens’ correspondence, “Oeuvres Completes de Christiaan Huygens” (edited by Nijhoff and Vollgraff), reveals his personal associations with Severijn Oosterwijck, Alexander Bruce (Earl of Kinkardine) and Sir Robert Moray. The latter was an intimate of the exiled Charles Stuart, benefactor to the present owners’ knighted ancestor. The family genealogy indeed shows a continuity of descent, so I leave it to them to trawl the family archives and Wills, in which I have seen mentioned this Royal clock, to document its provenance from their Royal patron, by His gift to a new English Knight for services rendered in those uncertain and dangerous times. Much hangs on that historic association.  It links us directly to that time.


Fig. 35
King Charles the Second of England (1630–1685)

Nevertheless, there is good reason to accept that the future King Charles the Second of England had already had access to the patrician Dutch scientist Christiaan Huygens - not least by their own fathers’ personal contacts, thus to Oosterwijck. Then, the pendulum clock was the most sought after personal acquisition of its day. Surely a King-in-Waiting could have one, one made by Severijn Oosterwijck, recommended by Moray or Huygens, and upon His accession in June 1660, the new King might well award this valuable gift to His loyal supporter (name withheld).

6. A Seconds’ Hiatus?
Before 1596 Tycho Brahe’s several astronomical clocks, by Jost Burgi, showed Seconds’. Yet Hague clocks, purportedly ‘invented’ by another astronomer, sixty years later, rarely showed Seconds’.

Clocks without Seconds’ would hold no interest for astronomer Christiaan Huygens; but Seconds’ then had no popular application. And Hague clocks were expensive, too, from fl.80 to fl.120, excluding spring-strikers. I suggest Dutch burghers then would regard any extra charge for Seconds' as being ‘a florin too far’.


What relevance has that, or my red-herring dial sector (above), to Oosterwijck’s, or any, Hague clock? In my 2005 paper, (Op.Cit.), I suggest Huygens, in Horologium (1658), disingenuously revealed his complex 'OP' Interim design, that beat half-seconds, and displayed Seconds from the centre, rather than reveal his simpler horizontal-verge, that he and Coster saw as their real money spinner. When Huygens did finally publish his 1657 original design, it not only beat Seconds' but showed Seconds on a disc in a dial sector. (Horologium Oscillatorium, Part I, Figs. I-IV).


* W
as Huygens' paranoid, like the great Florentine architect Filippo Brunelleschi (1377-1446)? He too used misleading  plans; to keep secret his great dome's ingenious double-skinned spirally-braced construction. Both deserved their glory, both feared plagiarism.

Seeing all the contemporary evidence, why did typical Hague spring-clocks omit seconds, and where are all Coster’s pre-Contract pendulums with Seconds’, as Huygens published, and Treffler made? [Dr.Plomp has always separated the domestic by-product he named "Hague clock", from any scientific purposes; see "Pendulums", Op. Cit., p.11, Chapt.1, The beginning]. It seems Pendulums made for scientific purposes have been ignored.

O
ther than his June 16th 1657 Patent model, Coster’s earliest dateable Hague clock is probably the timepiece Senor Burratinij sent to Grand Duke Ferdinand de Medici on September 25th 1657, (Plomp R, “Pendulums”, Op.Cit. pp.15,16). Probably that clock was Coster’s own work, but, being already three weeks after his Contract, John Fromanteel could well have made it. Coster’s Medici clock is described in a 1690 inventory, it has a short pendulum, in an ebony case with a ”wavy cornice”, like Dutch art frames -an exception to Dr.Plomp’s characteristic 'P2’. Using Plomp's ‘chronology’, I name it ‘DØ’.


Treffler’s ‘Copy’.
The whereabouts of Coster ‘DØ’ is not known. Fortunately, in 1657, the Grand Duke ordered his clockmaker Johan Philipp Treffler of Augsburg to make a ‘copy’, and that movement survives; but its case was destroyed in Florence’s 1966 flood. (Inventory 3557, Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza, Florence). I name Treffler’s movement, DØ copy’.

Treffler’s movement has a short pendulum suspended in cheeks, like all Costers, but it shows ‘seconds’! (Plomp R, “Pendulums”, Op.Cit. p.16, Figs.9,10, 11). Leaving aside Treffler’s claim to priority for the pendulum, I reason he probably followed Coster’s short-pendulum train, even if he did add the Augsburg fusee. It  would seems ‘DØ’ was a spring clock, Huygens’ timepiece ‘DØ1W’ was not.

Huygens' "Description of the Pendulum Clock" DØ1W; weight driven timepiece having four baluster pillars, a 3-foot compound pendulum, slung on a little suspension pulley, and having a Seconds' disc in a dial sector. None are known; Thuret's regulators are its nearest representations.

Yet Huygens’ 1659 letter to Paris, omits any mention of Seconds’ clocks from his price-list, (see Plomp R, “Pendulums”, Op. Cit. pp.32-33). He mentions duration, striking, weight also spring driven, but not his own invention’s very raison d’etre! Nevertheless, Huygens did promote his Seconds’ regulators, on weights, to other scientists. Licensed models were made by several makers, including Ahasuerus Fromanteel for Dr.Ward in 1661/2. Clearly, Huygens’ price-list only reflected the popular dictates, little wonder then that neither his Seconds' indicating Patent clock (DØ1W) nor his OP-gear clock (DØ2W) are thought to have survived.

Although first published in 1673, this represents Huygens' June 1657 Patent Application. Note, pre-cycloid cheeks, box case with no windows, suspension pulley to pendulum, all are found in Oosterwijck's Royal 'Haagseklok'. Both Huygens' Dutch top potence and round pillars are pre-Contract designs - let us say Dutch in their concept and probably in their execution.

The same parochial isolation cannot be said of his clock published in Horologium is September 1658, this was designed while John Fromanteel worked for Salomon Coster; English ideas arrived.

Huygens now depicts a strap-form in upper potence, like the Fromanteels and like Oosterwijck's subject clock. He  also now
reveals the construction of his endless-rope maintaining power.

So i
t seems today we only know the popular form of Coster’s 1657 Patent; a mass market spring-
clock without Seconds’; whereas Treffler’s four-wheel train probably mimics the astronomer’s own, albeit in a spring clock. If true, then this relic 'DØ copy' represents Huygens’ arrangement known only from his 1657 drawing, first published in Horologium Oscillatorium, and from Isaac Thuret’s extant regulators in the Boerhaave and Vehmeyer collections.

T
ragically, Florence's disastrous floods in 1966, destroyed Treffler's ornate Augsburg Tabernacle case, damaging his rare movement. Dr Plomp. showed the Tabernacle case (Op.Cit. "Pendulums" Fig.10, p.16). A comparable Augsburg case, c.1625, was in the P.C.Spaans' Collection (Christie's, Op.Cit., Lot 420). <Refer_Tabernacle>

The large gilt-brass dial was fixed onto the front door, retained by two straps. It has a delicate seconds ring, yet its broad pewter chapter ring and ornate case appear to be anachronisms but follow the contemporary German also Italian practices. The back plate is fully signed, 'Gio: Filippa Trefler Augosto'.


New images show a decorative bridge with one surviving Huygens' cheek; a back-wound fusee-arbor, having the motion-wheel on the front plate above the ratchet to the spring barrel; the spidery bars fix the movement onto the door frame to secure the dial plate.
Seen here  is a brass dust cover to the plates, age unstated. In due course, I will return to Treffler's clock,

T
reffler’s ‘DØ copy’ now assumes huge significance to establish the train and the escapement of Coster’s ‘DØ’. Nicolas Hanet took several of Salomon Coster's seconds’ clocks to Paris between 1658-1660, we do not know if these were spring or weight driven, might these have mimicked Coster ‘DØ’, or  Huygens 'DØ1W?

H
ere I cite basic details. Treffler’s copy mimics Coster’s escapement and pendulum, but his plates are longer (190 by 90 mm), for the fusee – which forces Coster’s pinioned-centre wheel to the front. The ratchet is on the front plate, like Coster. The four plain round pillars, (35mm long), pinned at the back plate, being richly decorated and signed, “Gio: Filippa Trefler Augosto”.

Questions of construction and originality will only be answered by examination, I have invited Florence’s Museum of the History of Science to review their newly significant relic - probably the oldest original pendulum movement extant. I hope eventually to add its wheel train to the 'open-research' matrix with contemporary pendulum trains, (Appendix Three).


Later Seconds’ Clocks.
Huygens professed his ablest clockmaker to be Johannes van Ceulen (1656-1715). He provides the exceptions to this hiatus.

From 1675 he too made observatory regulators with pendulums beating Two-Seconds' (matching Tompion); he also made rare Hague long-cases, month going and striking, showing Seconds’ with a monumental Dutch 'anchor' escapement, and having other idiosyncratic features; elaborate cocks, winding squares on sleeves pinned over round arbors, also strike set-off at the dial plate (see view, at II side).


Johannes van Ceulen dial.

fig.
36
A seconds ring on a late 17th c. clock by Joh. van Ceulen.

*Original meaning, "the [anchor] Escapement having Dominion over the Weight, (John Smith, 1675).

[It has been suggested that its untypical circular dial plate was originally square, one former owner had even fitted a mask to square it up for his replica case. But constructional features in the movement suggest it was made circa 1685-1690, when the French had already broken with formal rules and had introduced circular dial plates in spring-clocks and long-cases. (see Tardy, "La Pendule Francaise", 1949,  Vol.1, Louis XIV, p.97, 'Tete de Poupee' by Pierre Du Chesne, also p.107, 'Regulateur de Parquet)]. On his return from Paris, Huygens too designed several circular dials].

Van Ceulen also introduced Joseph Knibb’s silent pull-quarter repeat into Hague clocks, with his Marot console clock (above). Quarter strike is rarely seen, but one unsigned early Hague clock proves that third trains were also made, (DNFA, 09/09/09, Lot.87). Van Ceulen's workshop also made repeating movements for other makers, domestic and foreign; "Jacques Benoit a Cleve", apparently signed by the workshop's engraver.

His large month spring-clock (below) originally showed Second's having a seconds' pendulum extending through the base plate. For a Hague clock it has the rare feature of a split-back plate; also rare twin fusees like his Kassel astronomical clock; and remarkably it is housed in a superb French case of ebony with unusual and excellent ormolu mounts; the rear is door inlaid with an ivory
Coronet and Star badge; circa 1690. It has an ornate silver-mounted folding-key for both doors, (Plomp's characteristic P6).

These Paris made cases, typically, house movements by Thuret, Martinot, Gaudron, or Gribelin. This is yet another of Johannes van Ceulen's Franco-Dutch collaborations, at the highest level. Probably it stood on a pedestal, as a ‘Regulateur de Parquet'  for a noble French family. At that time Seconds' were de rigueur, also in England too, the Fromanteel brothers had just opened shop in Amsterdam; the longcase had arrived in Holland.

Johannes van Ceulen.

fig.
37
Joh. van Ceulen.

[Now altered to short pendulum; both the dial-regulation and seconds’ ring have been removed; and the bells relocated to the interior, (see Christie’s London, 22-3-1989, Lot. 21)].

The back plates of the three Van Ceulen clocks shown are all signed 'Hagae Hollandiae', thought to signify 'made for export'.

Not until 1700 do we see Pierre (Pieter) van Stryp (Strijp) in Rome, making a spring clock utilising Treffler's fusee, having a half-second pendulum on a 'tic-tac' escapement, to indicate Seconds' on the integral Chapter ring.

This imposing Seconds' indicating spring-clock also has quarter strike and alarum, in an English inspired case and dial having day-date. (Sotheby's London, Clocks, lot.38, 28th January 1977).  STRIJP (Stryp) was then a small village now absorbed by Eindhoven. The family names of Pieter in Rome also Bernard in Antwerp probably derive from there. For this information and original image I thank Mr.P.Th.R.Mestrom Ph.D, author "
Uurwerken en uurwerkmakers in Limburg 1367-1850".

Of course, even before Johannes Van Ceulen (1675), English clocks were in the ascendant and surpassed all Europe; by 1680 English makers had even relocated to Holland, (Joseph Norris, Fromanteel brothers, Steven Tracy), or had set up supply chains or trading links. (John Drury with Fromanteel, Clarke & Dunster as Hans Kreft showed in "Rediscovering the Fromanteel Story", Horological Foundation, 2005).


Oosterwijck’s Options.
Returning to the subject Royal spring-clock, it now appears that Oosterwijck, all along, had had the means to describe ‘Seconds’; and yet, and like all of Coster’s many acolytes, he chose not to put seconds into a spring wall-clock having a short-pendulum. Evidently, that had other implications.

From 1661, Bruce, then Huygens, had gimbals or suspended short-pendulum sea-clocks showing the Seconds’, because that application probably required it. (Robertson D., Op.Cit. Chap.IX, Figs.23-24, pp.143-174; also Leopold, J.H, "The Longitude Timekeepers of Christiaan Huygens", as edited by William Andrews, "In Quest of Longitude", pp.102-114, Harvard 1998). Anthony Weston describes the surviving wedge-shaped movement, signed Severijn Oosterwijck, probably made in 1662, copying Bruce's original 1660-1661 London model. The wedge movement incorporates a fusee, and an engraved  back plate dial, revolving once in 4-minutes*. (Weston, A., "A Reassessment of the Clocks of John Hilderson", Antiquarian Horology, Vol.25, No.4, pp.431-432).

*Four minutes represents one degree of longitude in solar transits; 24hrs/360 deg = 4 minutes. But its four-minute dial has perplexed every authority.  I determined to resolve it and involved a colleague from my first squadron noted for his didactic mind, world pilot and solo-mariner Brian Walton. He put his mind to my interrogations. He pointed out that the Babylonians divided their 24 unequal hours by 360 to arrive at the "Ush" (4 minutes) as a unit to calculate eclipses. He also points out that four minutes has a special significance in sidereal time, for star transits; 4-minutes sidereal is the difference between the sidereal day and mean day; whereas 3min.59secs. is the difference measured in mean time, requiring conversions from periodic solar observations. Brian suggests, therefore, the longitude clock might be rated to sidereal time, using star sighting, so eliminating the need for solar equation tables. The clock would be rated on land, determine longitudes to chart landfalls, and be used at sea as a Longitude clock without need for periodic solar equation tables. Oosterwijck's four-minute dial is resolved, it is typically simple, and it is very ingenious.

[Note. Assuming that that was the case, one wonders why Huygens persisted with equation tables, unless solely for rating terrestrial regulators. He went on, ultimately, to invent an automatic equation kidney cam in 1694/5, as notified to Tompion and Quare via his brother the King's secretary in London in 1695, who, upon Huygens' untimely death that same year, each incorporated his kidney cam in very different ways to claim "inventions" in their own names. In this I follow Alan H Lloyd, and I remarked to organizers of "Huygens' Legacy" on the absence in the catalogue, for the  Quare/Williamson equation clock (exhibit 90), of any recognition of Huygens' part for the equation kidney-cam. Strangely, they would credit England].

Further, its origins are in London! Might Robert Hook or Christopher Wren have been involved with whom ever had made Bruce's original Longitude clock? And had Huygens anything to say, about sidereal rating of his own Longitude clocks? If he did, I do not recall it.

John Hilderson is said to have copied one of the damaged Oosterwijck sea clocks. Was Bruce's original Longitude clock made by Fromanteel, who wisely retained the fusee for such an exacting purpose and its unstable environment - as Hooke then realised?  If not, then by whom? Not Davis Mell, whose earlier pivoted-pendulum clock, made to the highest standards of the time, I now attribute to Ahasuerus Fromanteel himself.

The origin and maker of Bruce's first Longitude clock is of much greater import than has previously been realised. Bruce may have been inspired by the new pendulums when he visited the Hague in 1660 to escort Charles II to London. But he was in England from June 1660 to March 1662, so who there made his crutch and pendulum? William Dereham (1696) has all the pendulums made in England before the Royal Society's clock (1662) as being Dutch or made here to Huygens' design. Evidently, again, he was mistaken.

I suggest that Bruce's original clock is yet another pointer to Fromanteel's earlier involvement in pendulum manufacture, although, admittedly, Bruce's "F" crutch relies on Huygens' Patents. Nevertheless, why should Bruce go to an independent English clockmaker who had never made pendulum clocks, unless he already had made the pivoted pendulum variety? Furthermore, that unnamed English maker also saw a definite advantage in fitting a fusee -rather than a going-barrel, or, especially, the weight drive Huygens was to apply. We know this from Oosterwijck's copy, (Appendix Three, 'open research').

Today no complete early longitude-clock is know, (see Appendix Three, Hollar's engraving dated 1667). That suggests, even on land, Huygens' weight remontoire sea-clocks were at best unreliable, so did the Dutch public infer that all Seconds’ clocks were just too troublesome for domestic use?

One wonders, too, why Huygens committed to paper his impractical flawed designs for weight sea clocks having weight remontoirs, unless, once again, it was to mislead competitors, like his 'OP' pendulum he published in Horologium. Robert Hooke's opinions on Huygens' Patents of June 16th, 1657, and March 3rd, 1665, were most forthright, also perceptive, much like Simon Douw's in 1658, (see British Museum MSS -Sloane 1039, folio 129).

By an extraordinary omission, this obvious hiatus of seconds' in Hague clocks has never been the subject of research or comment. But it is so absolute an hiatus, I surmise the Dutch makers of spring-clocks, (English and French too), agreed not to offer Seconds’ to the public, but reserved that application for scientific purposes. But why would a future King not pay the extra, had he, too, no need for Seconds?


7.
Claims to priority.
Oosterwijck’s Royal Hague clock, with hour striking, in Kingwood and Ebony box case, may justifiably claim to be, or reasonably be considered as;

1 only known ‘Royal’ Hague clock of the first period, (Van Ceulen's was c.1690);
2   only Hague clock with known and unbroken provenance;
3 only known with a Kingwood carcass;
4 only known with a pendulum holdfast;
5 earliest to mark the Quarters;
6 earliest to have a strike train;
7 earliest 'split-going-barrel';
8 unique concealed Stopwork;
9 probably an unique 'up-down' (Wind-Me) device;
10 made with Huygens' also Coster’s fiat, (possibly even in Coster’s workshop);
11 the original model for Coster’s  known strikers;
12   adopting English, Fromanteel, practices and innovations, learned from John in 1657 or unrecorded earlier connection to the London workshop;
13   made for or soon after the Mayday 1658 disclosure, when  the secret was shared;
14   probably incorporates, now reveals, the 1657 Contract's “secreet” construction.

Although the ‘seconds-option’ is not fitted, this is some “Mantel Clock”.


Copyright: R.K.Piggott, February 20, 2009.

 
     
 
   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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